Modernization in Late Qing: Never a Success?

YUKUN JIANG

Read the Faculty Introduction here.

In high school history textbooks standardized by the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, Chinese students learn about the prosperity and cultural export of the great Tang Dynasty, the power of the unrivaled Mongolian cavalry of the Yuan Dynasty, and the technological advancements and economic development of the Song Dynasty. However, when the same students turn to the section on the Qing Dynasty, they will only see decline, the consequent Chinese suffering under imperialism, and a loss of sovereignty. This is a common perspective on the Qing Dynasty shared by many Chinese scholars after the rise of China in the last three decades. For example, historian Chen XuLu argues that after the first Opium War, “the Qing Dynasty [was] forced to start modernization under the fire of western guns” (54). However, I argue that scholars should not ignore the active role of the late Qing Dynasty in modernization, particularly with emphasis on educational reform as an essential component of modernization. More broadly, in this essay, I will not focus on the Qing Dynasty’s feudal limitations and failures, but, rather, take a contextual view that Late Qing laid a solid foundation for further modernization. The Qing government, I argue, did not override the educational system by fully adopting Western science, but, rather, made sophisticated political efforts to localize Western science in ways that would nurture well-rounded talents for the country. Furthermore, the Qing government’s retainment of title rewards in the new exam system was a sophisticated move that both encouraged more students to participate in the new education system and stabilized the court. 

Incorporation of Western Science into the Curriculum

Scholars, such as Wang Kai, often argue that modernization attempts by the Late Qing Dynasty inherently introduced and strengthened Western imperialism into the Chinese education system. After the First Opium War (1840-1842), the Qing Dynasty started the “self-strengthening movement,” in the hopes of, as Wei Yuan argues, “defeating foreign invaders by learning from their advantages” (qtd. in Ju 101). According to the Chinese standard Textbook of High School History, one of the most essential parts of educational reforms by the late Qing government was sending young students abroad (1). Many scholars have criticized this attempt. Wang Kai, Professor at the University of Science and Technology of China, for instance, argues that the educational reform actually aggravated and solidified Western Imperialism in China through “disciplinarized institutionalization of western science.” In particular, Wang uses statistical evidence to show that the vast majority of study abroad students were assigned decent positions in the government later, which helped to “root western Imperialism into feudal Chinese society during the process of educational reform” (5). In this interpretation, Wang suggests that the study-abroad students served as the medium for Western Imperialism. 

However, Wang overlooks the complex dynamics of science circulation in the Qing Dynasty. Specifically, I argue that the Qing government made sophisticated political efforts to localize Western science to better suit the needs of educational modernization at that time. To demonstrate this, firstly I will analyze “The Constitution of the Imperial Academy” from The Draft History of Qing, which was the first document on the national educational system by the Qing government. The Constitution reads:

Although the political and educational atmosphere of China and foreign countries were originally different, their advantages should be made use of… [S]ubjects taught in each level of schools should contain Confucian cultivation, classics reading, mathematics, poetry, Chinese and foreign history and politics, physics, chemistry, martial arts. (“The Constitution of the Imperial Academy”) 

In other words, the document stipulates that “Confucian cultivation” subjects— such as “classics reading,” “poetry,” and “martial arts”—as well as Western science subjects—such as “politics, physics, [and] chemistry”—should be taught in the new schools. The introduction of Western science did not totally supersede the imperial exam system and traditional Confucian subjects, but, rather, they were combined to co-exist in the same educational system. In particular, those once considered inferior manufacturing subjects, such as physics and chemistry, were given equal status in education for the first time in history. This fact sheds light on the Qing’s philosophy then: that Western science and Confucianism were not considered inherently contradictory to each other, but, instead, they could be applied simultaneously for a better civil education.

Revolution of the Imperial Examination System

In addition to incorporating Western science into the curriculum, the imperial examination system during the late Qing Dynasty also underwent tremendous changes to better select talent for government positions. In the imperial exam system, students in ancient China studied Confucianism, took imperial exams, and received three levels of rewards upon passing—“Xiu Cai,” “Ju Ren,” and “Jin Shi.” These title rewards are analogous to “Bachelor,” “Master,” and “Doctoral” degrees respectively in Western education systems (Pang 41). According to the new education system under the late Qing Dynasty, if a student finished each stage of the new exam system, which included both Confucianism and Western Science, he would receive title rewards that were the same as the old exam system, which only included Confucianism (“The Constitution of the Imperial Academy”). In other words, the Qing government made it so that even if a student chose to take the new Western science education, this student could still obtain the same benefits as his Confucian counterparts. 

Traditionally, Chinese scholars criticized this retainment of title rewards. For example, Yaqun Zhang argues in The Institute of High Education Research Journal that the way the Qing government linked education and the system for selecting officials was counterproductive to the modernization process because imperial title rewards led to instrumentalism in education, which prevented “pure-science learning” (4). In other words, Zhang believes students would study to obtain official positions rather than pursue knowledge. Similarly, Wang Yao argues that the presence of title rewards in the new exam system indicates that the Qing government still deemed education more as a method of selecting government officials than a way of equipping individuals intellectually (5). In addition, scholars also find fault with the negative social effects of the new exam system. In journalist Wang YingYing’s paper, she argues that the advent of the new exam system shook the student body and created chaos and disorder in society (Wang 3). 

However, such criticism ignores the potential harm brought by a sudden separation between education and the selection of government officials. I argue that it was precisely the retainment of title rewards that shaped a smooth transition in the Qing educational reform. First, the retainment of title rewards encouraged students to make the transition to the new exam system. According to Confucian ideals, “he who excels in learning shall be an official, and uses what he has learned to serve the country” (“The Analects of Confucius”). In other words, students can only serve the country if they excel in learning and receive government positions. Both are indispensable prerequisites for serving the country. Under the old imperial exam system, once a student passed the exam and received the title rewards, he could choose to be a government official and fulfill this Confucian ideal. However, if the Qing Dynasty did not choose to retain title rewards in the new exam system, students would have to choose between sacrificing government positions (and the social benefits associated with them) or the Western science knowledge necessary to equip the country with advanced military defenses. In this situation, students would face a dilemma, in which it would be impossible for them to fulfil the Confucian ideal of serving the country. Therefore, the Qing’s retainment of title rewards was beneficial because it allowed students to achieve the maximal effect of promoting study in the new education system at a time when feudal Confucian notions were deeply rooted in people’s minds. According to Pang, in the first four years, 829 students won title rewards by taking the new exam system, which constituted twenty percent of all title rewards granted in that period (42). The surge from zero to twenty percent within only a four-year period undoubtedly demonstrates the effectiveness of the Qing’s retainment of title rewards. In a nutshell, the retainment of title rewards stimulated more students to study under the new education system. 

 Secondly, the retainment of title rewards ensured a stable political situation in the Qing Dynasty. As mentioned before, the vast majority of government officials at that time won their positions through title rewards from the imperial exam. If title rewards were to be abolished, a great proportion of government officials would be concerned about the validity of their positions. Under such circumstances, factions might develop between those officials in favor of the new exam system and those who advocated for the old exam system, resulting in an unstable government. However, in the perilous condition of the late Qing Dynasty, what it really needed was cooperation in order to advance the country militarily and defend it. Therefore, I would deem the Qing’s retainment as a strategic concession to maintain political stability in the court. Furthermore, with the increase of students participating in the new education system, the Qing government had a more diverse talent pool for court and could, therefore, better equip itself politically and militarily. 

In brief, incorporating Western science into the curriculum and revolutionizing the imperial exam system, to a great extent, exemplifies how the Qing government tailored Western science into its own educational system in a uniquely Qing-way. As Raj Kapil argues in his article, “scientific propositions, artefacts, and practices are neither innately universal nor forcibly imposed on others. Rather, they disseminate only through complex processes of accommodation and negotiation, as contingent as those involved in their production” (9). Kapil implies that as Western science entered Qing society, it was changed and adapted according to the Qing Dynasty’s particular political and scientific needs. In other words, modernization was not forced on China by Western Imperialism, but it rather was actively adopted and integrated by the Qing government through a process of localization and interpretation.

Conclusion

The Late Qing Dynasty exerted elaborate efforts to assimilate Western science into the Qing’s education system in such a way that was both effective and suitable for Qing society at that time. It combined traditional Confucian subjects with Western science subjects to shape well-rounded talents and, therefore, strengthen its military defense. Besides, it intentionally retained title rewards in the new exam system to increase participation in the new education system and stability within the court. With recent changes in attitude towards Qing’s efforts among contemporary Chinese historians, clearly it is high time we justified and re-oriented the critics of the Late Qing Dynasty. The late Qing Dynasty did not have the privilege of following a safe and smooth path of modernization, but had only one burdened with entrenched traditions. With outer threats from Western imperialism and inner social turmoil and instability, the Qing government took the first step towards modernization and laid a solid foundation for future Chinese-modernization processes, particularly in education. In the end, I would claim that modernization in Late Qing was a success built upon all those failures.

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